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Federalism and National Integration in Nigeria: A Study of

Selected States in South-South, Nigeria

Grace A. Nkpone, Akpanim N. Ekpe, PhD (Associate Professor), Dr. Ekong E. Daniel, Senior Lecturer, Dr. Sunday E.

Ibanga, Senior Lecturer

Department of Public Administration, AkwaIbom State University, Faculty of Management Sciences, Obio Akpa

Campus, OrukAnam, AkwaIbom State, Nigeria

DOI: https://doi.org/10.51583/IJLTEMAS.2024.130905

Received: 12 August 2024; Accepted: 22 August 2024; Published: 30 September 2024

Abstract : Nigeria as a multi ethnic nationalities country is faced with tremendous task of integrating a country that is deeply

depleted by mirage of problems, including among others ethno-religious and cultural crises and the constitutional

imperfection. Regrettably, the manner the country practices federalism has resulted to the country's inability to foster or

promote national integration, and unity in diversity. The main objective of the study was to investigate the role of federalism

in promoting national integration in Nigeria. Four states comprising of AkwaIbom, Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers in south

south, Nigeria were selected for the study. To achieve this objective, survey correlation/research design was adopted for the

study and a sample size of 384 was drawn from the population of 20,787,224, using purposive and systematic sampling

techniques respectively. Data were selected using researchers developed questionnaire titled Federalism and National

Integration Questionnaire (FNIQ) the instrument was administered and retrieved by the researchers with the help of two

research assistants. Three research questions and three hypotheses were formulated for the study. Pearson Product Moment

Correlation (PPMC) was used in testing the hypotheses at 0.5 level of significance. Three null hypotheses of the study were

rejected leading to the decision to accept the alternative hypotheses. It was concluded that there was significant relationship

between ethnicity, supremacy of power of having, and the Federal Constitution and the national integration in south south

Nigeria. It was recommended among others, that, to foster possible breakup by the ethnic nationalities in Nigeria, government

should device a federal principle through accommodation, consultation, negotiation and inclusion, instead of exclusion and

denial of their rights. The sharing of political offices and opportunities should be equitable and based on the spirit of federal

character principle and true federalism.

I. Introduction

1.1 Background of the Study

Nigeria is a country with an estimated 250 ethnic groups, with largely contiguous territories. These features make it a natural

candidate for a federal system of government. Federalism is a political structure that allows states to unite under a central

government to maintain a measure of independence and interdependence. This governance pattern which appears as a

compromise formula allows for power sharing between national and state governments. It is generally regarded as the

appropriate governmental principle for countries with huge ethno-cultural diversities. Successive governments in Nigeria

have tried with different degrees of sincerity, commitment and effort to operate federal institutions, that can accommodate the

country’s ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic diversities and nurture a sense of national unity. It was the belief of the

Nigerian nationalists, that a federal system of governance was most suitable for the country as this will generate stability,

which will eventually lead to a strong and united nation. For instance, while chief Awolowo contended that “the Constitution

of Nigeria must be federal, any other Constitution will be unsuitable and will generate ever-recurring instability, which may

eventually lead to the complete disappearance of the Nigeria composite state.” Sir Ahmadu Bello contended that federalism

provided the “only guarantee that the country will grow evenly all over, we can spend the money we receive, the money we

raise, in the direction best suited to us.” (Odukoya and Ashiru, 2007).

Unfortunately, Nigeria’s efforts to achieving national integration have remained largely unrealised. Thus, the integration

crisis facing Nigeria manifest in the minority question, religious fundamentalism, conflicts, ethnic politics, indigene settler

dialectic, resource control, youth restiveness and militancy and the clamour for national conference or conversation of about

the terms of the nation’s continued unified (Onifade 2013).

As stated by the Nigerian Constitution, the indivisibility and indissolubility of the Nigerian state (Section 2 of the 1999

Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria), as stated in the preamble of the Constitution, indicates the resolution made

by Nigerians to live in unity, harmony and as one indivisible and indissoluble nation. This is one of the objectives of Federal

Constitution. Unity and harmony are essential to any meaningful and sustainable development. Unfortunately, Nigeria has

failed in the practice of federalism, due to over-concentration of power at the centre, ethnocentrism and religious intolerance,

and lack of local government autonomy, resource control and power sharing antagonism. These challenges continue to

negatively affect the quest for national integration in the country. Therefore, the current study examined the role of federalism

in promoting national integration in Nigeria. A study of selected States in South-South, Nigeria.

Statement of the Problem

Essentially, Nigeria is a plural society, its constituent groups are detached and separated from each other by substantial

differences of ethnicity, language, cultures, and traditions. Nigeria formed differences in character, outlook, and attitudes.

This divergence and the complexity of the people, in terms of values, orientations and traditions are potent factors capable to

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disintegrate the country if care and caution are not contemplated to address them. Faced with this problems Nigeria accepted

federalism as a means of accomplishing its much-needed goal of national unity among people of different religions, ethnicity,

and culture. In essence, the federalism so adopted is expected to lessen the massively destructive inter-ethnic competition and

tension, alleviate the usually assumed fear of majority and minority domination, and bringing government closer to the people

and give these diverse groups more opportunities, thereby integrating the country (Shehu, 2017).

The federal system of government was set up for the purpose of national unity in the plural society, like Nigeria and to

preserve the distinct social identities valued by its constituent parts. Moreover, the implementation of the federal system in

the Nigerian context and Nigeria’s political system have continued to work with dismal unity and success. Competition

basically prompted by cultural common distrust progressively deteriorates the stuff of Nigerian Authority (Majekodunmi,

2015).

Objectives of the Study

The main objective of the study is to examine the role of federalism in promoting national integration in Nigeria

The specific objectives are

1. To interrogate the relationship between ethnicity and national integration in Nigeria.

2. To examine the relationship between supremacy of power sharing and national integration in Nigeria.

3. To investigate the relationship between the Federal Constitution and National integration in Nigeria.

Research Questions

The following research questions were raised to guide the study.

1. How does ethnicity influence national integration in Nigeria?

2. To what extent has supremacy of power sharing influenced National Integration in Nigeria?

3. What is the relationship between the Federal Constitution and National Integration in Nigeria?

Research Hypotheses

: There is no significant relationship between ethnicity and National Intervention in Nigeria.

: Ethnicity is likely to Influence National Integration in Nigeria.

: Supremacy of Power sharingdoes not influence National Integration in Nigeria.

: Supremacy of power sharing is likely to influence National Integration in Nigeria.

: Federal Constitution doesnot influence National Integration in Nigeria.

: Federal Constitution tends to influence National Integration in Nigeria.

Scope of the Study

The study was delimited to the role of federalism in promoting national integration in Nigeria.

Unit Scope: The study focused on the four (4) South-South states, Nigeria which included AkwaIbom,Bayelsa, Delta and

Rivers. The two local government areas selected from each of the four states were AkwaIbom - (Uyo and Eket): Bayelsa

(Southern Ijaw and Yenagoa), Delta (Bomadi and Sapele), Rivers (Eleme and Obio-Akpor).

Content Scope: The content scope of this study was confined to literature on federalism and national integration in Nigeria.

The explanatory variableof national integration dependent and independent variables were ethnicity supremacy for power

sharing and Federal Constitution.

Geographical Scope: The geographical scope of this study was four selected states in the South-South, Nigeria,

namely,AkwaIbom, Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers States.

II. Review of Relevant Literature

Conceptual Framework

Ethnicity and National Integration

Like any other terminology employed by social scientists, the concept of ethnicity is a term that does not lend itself to easy

definition (Salawu and Hassan, 2011). Though, there are general agreement on a few points which are germane to

understanding the phenomenon. It is agreed that though ethnicity is a derivative of the ethnic group, it only occurs in

situations involving more than one ethnic group or identity. To fully understand the meaning of ethnicity, a related concept

like ethnic group needs to be defined. This is particularly important because of the systemic differences in the definition of

ethnicity across societies. Obiefuna, and Uzoigwe, (2012) affirm that ethnicity is a problematic phenomenon, whose character

is conflictual, rather than consensual. Having enumerated the features of ethnicity on which scholars agreed, Iyanga, (2018)

defined ethnic group as an informal interest group whose members are distinct from the members of other ethnic groups,

within the larger society because they share kinship, religious and linguistics ties. Similarly, Thompson (2004) defines ethnic

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group as a community of people who believe that they possess a common identity based on issues of origin, kinship ties,

historical experiences, traditions and cultures, and perhaps share a common language. This means that ethnic groups are

social formations, which are distinguished by the communal character of their boundaries (Nnoli, 1978). It is this social

formation that affects the performance and functioning of the Nigerian leaders as they may be influenced in their actions and

decisions due to their ethnic inclinations and parochial mentality. The inter-ethnic struggle for social and economic

dominance also inevitably leads to nepotism and its attendant consequences, mostly hostility in the form of inter-ethnic

violence (Ogoloma, 2012).

Supremacy for Power Sharing and National Integration

Federalism is a way of ensuring the wider distribution of public resources through revenue sharing and other forms of fiscal

arrangements that guarantee an agreed share of resources to all areas of a country. Federalism may also encourage more

geographically diverse economic and social development, in contrast to a unitary state, where everything-money, power,

culture- gravitates to the centre. Also, the foregoing analysis inextricably indicated the empirical affinity between federalism

and power-sharing to underline the peculiarities, challenges and expectations of a federation. It is therefore pertinent to

dissect what power sharing represents.

Lijphart (2002) views power- sharing’ as elicited polemics of ideas among scholars and practitioners. The divergent

perspectives stemmed from scholarly analyses on the peculiarities of power- sharing framework practised across federations

in different regions of the world. In objective to this fact, in the past two decades, power-sharing attracted tremendous

attention in academic and policy discourse. This development can be attributed to the fact that in the 1990s, ethnic cleavages

and the quest for self-determination emerged as one of the most serious sources of violent conflicts in the world; one which

requires a constructive management.

Federal Constitution and National Integration

The federal Constitution of Nigeria came into force on 1st October 1960. It is noteworthy that the said Constitution did not

secure true independence to the country as the country remains under the political influence of the British government in

several ways. However, in the spirit of the newly found federalism, the Constitution provided for regional constitutions.

Separate constitutions were established for the federal and for each of the regional governments in separate schedules

annexed to the independence Order –in- Council. Though separate and independent of one another, the several constitutions

derived from a common authority, namely, the independent Order made by the British government. Such a common source of

authority which is not that of the federal government is not consistent with the federal principle.

However, by 1963 the Nigerian Parliament adopted a new Constitution. A significant feature of this new Constitution was

Republican in nature as apart from this, it maintained most of the provisions of the 1960 Constitution. The 1963 Republican

Constitution, however, did not last as the country suffered series of military dictatorships between 1966 and 1979. By 1979,

another new Constitution was made for Nigerian federation. This Constitution which was basically federal in name, but

unitary in nature marked the beginning of Nigerian federal problems. The single Constitution provided for a stronger central

government and weaker component states, partly because of the experiences of the civil war, as well as its experience from

the military dictatorship in which the military Head of State and Commander-in-chief of the Armed forces held enormous and

unchallengeable powers. The 1979 Constitution also did not last, as the military struck again imposing dictatorship on the

supposedly Federal and Publican State.

III. Theoretical Framework

Four Theories were reviewed as theoretical framework for this study, namely;

i. Integration Theory

ii. National and Social Integration theory

iii. Functionalists Theory

iv. The Power Theory

Integration Theory by Weiner (1971)

The integration theory was propounded by Myron Weiner and adopted as a framework of analysis for this study. According

to Weiner (1971), integration refers to the process of having together groups characterized by its own language or other self-

conscious cultural qualities. This is territorial integration which implies that the territory must be in existence under the

control of one state and one government, like the Nigerian State and that the authority of the central government must be

firmly established over all the country’s territories. The ultimate goal of national integration as a process (irrespective of the

preferred strategy) therefore, is the political unification of the constituent units into one whole nation. National integration is

one among the five types of integration identified by Weiner. The others are: territorial, value, elite-mass and integrative

behavior (Weiner, 1971).

According to Weiner, national integration refers specifically to the problem of creating a sense of territorial nationality, which

overshadows or eliminates-subordinate parochial loyalties. This integration involves amalgamation of disparate social,

economic, religious, ethnic, and geographic elements into a single nation-state, a homogenous entity, the like of Plato’s Polis,

the city-state. This kind of integration implies both the capacity of government to control the territory under its jurisdiction as

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well as to stimulate a set of popular willingness by the people to place national interest above local or parochial concern

towards the nation generally. Also, where national integration thrives, the individuals realized their rights and privileges

identify fully with the state and owe allegiance to it, because they see themselves as standing in direct relation with it.

National and Social Integration theory by Karl Deutsch and ReinhardBendix (1950)

This study also adopted national and social integration theory as propounded in 1950s, 1960s by Karl Deutsch, Charles Tilly

and ReinhardBendix. The Theory described the process to establish modern nation-state, distinct from various traditional

states, like feudal, dynastic, churches, states and empires. Friedrich (1963), states that integration, as architectural metaphor

involves the existence of conscious acting agents, like architects, engineers, carpenters amongst others. The political scientists

used it to cover unconscious strategies initiated by states leaders to unplan societal changes to enhance national integration.

Rokkan and Smith (1986) assert that integration has analytically aspects as follows:

i. Economic and cultural unification of elites

ii. The larger sectors of the masses in system through conscription in army and compulsory schools. The bourgeois

mass media that creates channel of contact between the elites and periphery, generate widespread feelings of identity

with political system at large.

iii. The phase that brought people to active participation in political system.

iv. The state expands public welfare services established, while nationwide policies for equal economic conditions were

designed. In Nigeria, the process commenced with western civilization to national integration as a modern state.

Nigeria’s federalism claims to be secular state enmeshed in religious upheavals by adopting sharia in some northern parts of

the country. The management of a federal system in a multi-ethnic Nigeria is like a prescription of the chemist than crudity of

alchemist (Ilesanmi, 2001). Managing federal system is delicate, balancing that requires flexibility and rigidity in operating

the unambiguous principles. The power sharing, privileges and liabilities must follow agreed principles; the problem

inhibiting national integration in Nigeria is the absence of self-sufficient, political and ideological commitment to the concept

of federalism. A federal state that is unable to evolve equity formula on revenue sharing has no status to be a state ((Ayoade

and Osaghae, 1984).

Functionalists Theory by Chime (1977)

Functionalist Theory was propounded by Chime (1977). Functionalists are first and foremost protagonists of the

administration of things, instead of the government of men (Chime, 1977). For them, the nation-state would become

inadequate as the supreme and exclusive unit for organizing human needs in the face of technological revolution. While

technology for them is making the world smaller and drawing people nearer, politics has persistently in canalizing irrational

divisiveness in the nation-state. The functionalists advocated forsaking of constitutional approach for the functional, to

capitalize on welfare, on economic and social organization to the detriment of politics. According to them, if people

recognize their felt needs, organized piecemeal on the basis of those non-political needs, the nation-state system would sooner

or later be dissolved in a swelling pool of welfare functions (Chime, 1977).

As the nation-state is becoming increasingly incapable of fulfilling its basic social, economic and political tasks, more and

more shared aims and functions would be delegated to the more efficient integration organizations, which would be capable

to implement those functions. The main aim of the functionalists is to create supranational institutions (Domonkos, 2011).

The Power Theory by Oyovbaire (1985) and Barrats (1969)

Oyovbaire (1985) and Barrats (1969) are the two key proponents of Power Theory. Oyovbaire viewed power as the outcome

of interactions between federal and state governments in terms of their freedom for, or constraints on, political action. And

the second proponent of the Power Theory, Barrats argued that for power relationship to exist, there must be a conflict of

interest or value among two or more persons, units or groups. A typical example exists in the interplay of conflict among

groups of the cultural, tribal and ethnical in Nigeria, this study had earlier examined.

The twin concepts of federalism and national integration are interwovened in public administration space. Therefore, the

adoption of power Theory is germane in analyzing the both concepts. Literally, power is non divisible unit of energy, which

is capable of causing a change in reactions of its victim in spite of the victims’ oppositions to the change. According to

Follatt, “power is ability to make things happened, to be a causal agent to initiate change.” She further noted that a superior

does not share power with its immediate subordinates, but can give them opportunities for developing their powers. It can

also encourage them to integrate their activities so as to achieve “jointly developed power”.

IV. Methodology

Research Design

This study adopted Survey and Correlational Research Design. Survey research involves the use of a self-designed

questionnaire in collecting data from the respondents. Correlation Research Design according to Kpolovie (2010), involves

investigating the magnitude and direction (positive or negative) of relationship that exists between independent variable and

one or more dependent variables.

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Area of the Study

The study was carried out on the four states of South-South geopolitical zone in Nigeria. The six geopolitical zone in Nigeria

comprises South West, South South, South East, North West, North East and North Central respectively. The South-South

Nigeria refers to a geopolitical zone in the southern part of Nigeria, comprising six states namely; AkwaIbom, Bayelsa, Cross

River, Delta, Edo and Rivers. This region is known for its rich cultural heritage, diverse ethnic groups, and significant

economic resources, including oil and gas reserves. Moreso, South-South plays a vital role in Nigeria’s economy and politics,

and her states have unique characteristics, attractions, and contributions to the country’s development. Notable attraction

include the Niger Delta region, known for its vast wetlands and waterways, the Cross River National Park, home of diverse

wildlife and forests, the ancient Kingdom of Benin, renowned for its rich history and cultural heritage, the vibrant cities of

Port Harcourt and Uyo, hubs for business and entertainment and the science beaches and coastal towns along the Gulf of

Guinea. Out of these, four states were randomly selected for this study, they are; AkwaIbom, Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers State.

The Component states and Local governments of these four states are shown at the appendix.

Population of the Study

The population of the study covered the four states of AkwaIbom, Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers selected randomly from the six

states that constituted South-South, Nigeria. Considering the Large population of these states, two Local Government Areas

were selected from each State to include; AkwaIbom (Eket and Uyo), Bayelsa (Southern Ijaw and Yenagoa), Delta (Bomadi

and Sapele) and Rivers (Eleme and Obio-Akpor).

Under AkwaIbom State, Eket LGA has a population of 233,544 and Uyo has 413,381. Under Bayelsa, SounthernIjaw LGA

has a population of 479,000 and Yenagoa has a population of 524,400. Under Delta state, Bomadi LGA has a population of

117,900 and Sapele LGA a population of 238,800. Under Rivers state, Eleme LGA has a population of 273,500 while Obio-

Akpor has a population of 665, 000. These brought the total population for the study to 2,945,525.

Fig. 3.1: Disposition of the Selected Local Governments in the Four States of South-South, Nigeria

States

Local Government Areas

Population

AkwaIbom

Eket

233,544

Uyo

413,381

Bayelsa

Southern Ijaw

479,000

Yenagoa

524,400

Delta

Bomadi

117,900

Sapele

238,800

Rivers

Eleme

273,500

Obio-Akpor

665,000

Total

2,945,525

Source: City Population Statistics 2022 Projected Population

Sample Size and Sampling Technique

The Sample size of the study was 384 politicians, stake holders and workers drawn from the total population of 2,945,525

gotten from the two selected Local Government Areas in each of the four states using Krejcie and Morgan (1970) Formula for

the determination of sample size for a known population s worked out as follows:=

𝑛

𝑥2𝑁𝑃(1 − 𝑝)

𝑒2

(

𝑁 − 1

)

+ 𝑋2𝑃(1 − 𝑃)

Where:

n = Sample size to be determined

N = Finite population

1 = Constant

e = Level of Significance taken to be 0.05

Given that:

n = Sample size to be determined

N = 2,945,525

= 3.841

1 = Constant

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P = 0.5

e = Level of Significance taken to be 0.05

n = 384

The selected population were all relevant to the study and also have equal chance of being selected for the study.

Multi-stage sampling technique was also employed to give the work a scientific proof. This include purposive, cluster and

simple random sampling in selecting the sample of study. In purposive sampling, the researcher has a specific purpose or

objective in mind when selecting the sample (Yin, 2018). Therefore, the sample was selected based on the characteristics or

attributes that the researcher is interested in studying. The researcher also adopted cluster sampling to guard against the

probability of selection bias as the population exits as clusters and areas of concentration picked and studied. The random

sampling method is used in the sense that politicians, stakeholders and workers were randomly selected and questionnaires

issued for their responses. However, out of the 384 questionnaires that were issued to the respondents, only 380 were

correctly filled and returned and same was used in the final analysis in the study.

Instrumentation

Both primary and secondary sources of data collection are employed for the study in order to ensure the reliability of the

information resulting from the research. The primary data for the study were gathered with the aid of a researcher developed

instrument titled: “Federalism and National Integration Questionnaire (FNIQ)”. The instrument was divided into two sections

(A and B). Section A introduces the researcher to the respondents and informed the respondents of the purpose of the

research. It also gathered information on the bio-data of the respondents. It measured demographic variables such as

ethnicity, religion and language.

The second section B takes a structured format. It elicited twelve (12) items on ethnicity, power sharing and federal

constitution in regards to national integration. The respondents’ options were structured using ordinary rating scale

Validation of Instrument

Validity of instrument means the degree to which the research instrument measures what it purports to measure. It is also seen

as the accuracy with which the measuring or data collecting instrument identifies the properties which the researcher

intendsto measure or collect.

The research instrument was validated by three experts in the Department of Public Administration the Faculty of

Management Sciences, AkwaIbom State University. The instrument was subjected to both face and content validity, valuable

correction effected by the supervisor and research experts were incorporated into the final copy of the instrument before taken

to the field for administration. The face validity enabled the researcher to exercise her judgment based on the face value of

the items on the questionnaire, while content validity gave the supervisor and other experts the opportunity to ensure that the

measuring tools (questionnaire) cover the full range of idea and variables that it was supposed to cover.

Reliability of Instrument

Reliability of an instrument like questionnaire is usually proven in the field. Reliability simply means consistency of result

derived from a given measure at different times. In this case, the reliability of the instrument was established using internal

consistency approach, where the instrument was administered to 25 respondents who were not part of the study. Data

collected through questionnaire were analysed using Cronbach Alpha Reliability Analysis to obtain a reliability coefficient

where the reliability coefficient of 0.91 was obtained. Based on these reliability coefficients, the instrument was judged to be

reliable.

Method of Data Collection

Both primary and secondary sources of data collection were adopted for the study. This was to guarantee the consistency of

the data resulting from the study. Also, a 4 point likert scale structured questionnaire with 10 items questions for each

respondent was used in the study to obtain information from the respondents. The response selections were Strongly Agreed

(SA), Agreed (A), Disagreed (D) and Strongly Disagreed (SD). The secondary sources on the other hand, involved online

material, published texts, journals, newspapers / magazines and government publications and reports on the progress of the

programme.

Method of Data Analyses

Data collected were presented in graphical and table forms. The response in the table was converted to frequencies and

percentages. Interpretations were based on the questions in the questionnaire which was used to answer research questions

and test the hypotheses. The statistical procedure was used to test all the hypotheses at 0.05 level of significance. Pearson

Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) was used to test the significant relationship between the dependent and independent

variables. Analytical, theoretical and logical analysis was drawn from extant literature mainly from journals, magazines,

textbooks, the internet materials, etc.

Decision Rule

When r = 1, there is a perfect relationship between the two variables x and y. This implies that when x increases, y increases.

Accordingly, when r = -1, there is a perfect negative relationship between the two variables x and y, hence, when x increases,

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y decreases and vice versa. The relevance of this method to the research is that it enables the correlation between x which is

the independent variables and y which is the dependent variable.

V. Data Presentation, Analysis and Discusion Of Findings

Data Presentation

This chapter deals with data presentation, analysis and discussion of findings. The data which were collected through the use

of questionnaire were presented on a frequency distribution table. Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) was utilized

for testing the hypotheses in order to ascertain the nature of relationship that exists between the independent and dependent

variables. A total of three hundred and eighty-four (384) copies of questionnaires were administered to politicians, stake

holders and workers, only 380 were accurately filled in and returned, which was used for the Pearson Product Moment

Correlation (PPMC) analysis utilized with the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 20.0.

Table 4.1.1: Distributed Questionnaires

S/N

Category of

Respondent

No. of Questionnaire

Distributed

No. of Questionnaire

Retrieved

Percentage (%) of

Questionnaires

Returned

Politicians

21.05

Stakeholders

100

26.32

Workers

203

200

52.63

Total

384

380

100

Source: (Field Work, 2024)

Table 4.1.2: Percentage of Useful Questionnaires

S/N

Category of

Respondent

No. of Questionnaires

Returned

No. of Questionnaires

Found Useful

Percentage (%) of

Useful

Questionnaires

Politicians

21.05

Stakeholders

100

26.32

Workers

200

52.63

Total

380

100

Source: (Field Work, 2024)

Table 4.1.3: Demographic Characteristics of Respondents

Sex Characteristics

Frequency (N=380)

Percentage (%)

Male

210

55.26

Female

170

44.74

Total

380

100.00

Source: (Field Work, 2024)

Table 4.1.4: Distribution of Respondents by Age

Option

Frequency (N=380)

Percentage (%)

30-40

130

34.22

41-51

200

52.63

52-62

10.52

63 and above

2.63

Total

380

100.00

Source: (Field Work, 2024)

Table 4.1.5: Distribution of Respondents by Marital

Option

Frequency (N=380)

Percentage (%)

Single

140

36.8

Married

200

52.6

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Widowed

5.5

Divorced

5.2

Total

380

100

Source: (Field Work, 2024)

Table 4.1.6: Distribution of Respondents by Education Background

Option

Frequency (N=380)

Percentage (%)

SSCE

15.8

NCE/OND

100

26.3

B.Sc./HND

190

M.Sc./Ph.D

7.9

Total

380

100

Source: (Field Work, 2024)

Table 4.1.3 shows that 210 respondents representing 55.26% were males, while 170 respondents representing 44.74% were

females. The table also shows the age distribution of the respondents in the following order: 30-40, 200 respondents

representing 34.22%, 41-51, 200 respondents representing 52.63%, 52-62, 40 respondents representing 10.52%, and 63 and

above 10 respondents representing 2.63%. The table also reveals the marital status of the respondents which shows that 140

respondents representing 32.8% of the sample population were single, 200 respondents representing 52.6% were married, and

21 respondents representing 5.5% of the sample populations were widowed, while 20 respondents represent 5.2% were

divorced. The Educational qualification distribution of the respondents reveals that 60 respondents representing 15.8% had

SSCE, 100 respondents representing 26.3% had NCE and OND, 190 respondents representing 50% had HND and B.Sc.

while 30 respondents representing 7.9% had M.sc and Ph.D.

Table 4.1.7: Responses for Research Question I: Ethnicity is Likely to Influence National Integration in Nigeria

S/N

Items

Ethnicity has negative impact on national integration

215

[56.57]

152 [40]

[1.58]

[1.84]

Needs and interest of diverse regions, ethnic groups and

communities within Nigeria is not addressed by the Constitution

240

[63.16]

134

[35.26]

[0.79]

[1.05]

Ethnicity has in the past threatened the co-operate existence of

the nation

265

[69.74]

102

[26.84]

[2.20]

[1.31]

Expressed desire by regions, ethnic groups and communities

within Nigeria to secede from the federation is a function of

ethnicity

254

[66.84]

122

[32.11]

[2.20]

[1.58]

In item one, 215 respondents representing 56.57% strongly agreed that ethnicity has negative impact on national integration.

Accordingly, it was observed that 152 respondents representing 40% agreed, 6 respondents representing 1.58% strongly

disagreed while 7 respondents representing 1.84% disagreed. For question two, 240 respondents representing 63.16%

strongly agreed that the needs and interest of diverse regions, ethnic groups and communities within Nigeria is not addressed

by the Constitution. It was also observed that 134 respondents representing 35.26% agreed, 3 respondents representing 0.79%

strongly disagreed, while 4 respondents representing 1.05% disagreed. For item three, 265 respondents representing 69.74%

strongly agreed that ethnicity has in the past threatened the co-operate existence of the nation. Accordingly, 102 respondents

representing 26.84% agreed, 8 respondents representing 2.20% strongly disagreed, while 5 respondents representing 1.31%

disagreed. Lastly, in item four, 254 respondents representing 66.84% strongly agreed that the expressed desire by regions,

ethnic groups and communities within Nigeria to secede from the federation is a function of ethnicity. It was observed that

122 respondents representing 32.11% agreed, 8 respondents representing 2.20% strongly disagreed, while 6 respondents

representing 1.58% disagreed.

4.1.8 Responses for Research Question II; Power Sharing is likely to Influence National Integration in Nigeria

S/N

Items

Power sharing arrangements within the governance structure

will not allow for national integration in Nigeria

152

[40]

215

[56.75]

[1.58]

[1.84]

Unity and stability is not promoted by the power sharing

240

134

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mechanisms in Nigeria

[63.15]

[35.26]

[0.79]

[1.05]

Lack of citizens’ participation in discussion or activities

related to power sharing mechanism is a threat to national

integration.

265

[69.74]

102

[26.84]

[2.20]

[1.31]

Nigeria’s stability is dependent on the impact of power

sharing arrangements

[1.58]

122

[32.11]

[2.20]

254

[66.84]

In item five, 152 respondents representing 40% strongly agreed thatpower sharing arrangements within the governance

structure will not allow for national integration in Nigeria. Accordingly, it was observed that 215 respondents representing

56.75% agreed, 6 respondents representing 1.58% strongly disagreed, while 7 respondents representing 1.84% disagreed. For

item six, 240 respondents representing 63.16% strongly agreed, that unity and stability is not promoted by the power sharing

mechanisms in Nigeria. It was also observed that 134 respondents representing 35.26% agreed, 3 respondents representing

0.79% strongly disagreed while 4 respondents representing 1.05% disagreed. For item seven, 265 respondents representing

69.74% strongly agreed that Lack of citizens’ participation in discussion or activities related to power sharing mechanism is a

threat to national integration. Accordingly, 102 respondents representing 26.84% agreed, 8 respondents representing 2.20%

strongly disagreed while 5 respondents representing 1.31% disagreed. Lastly in item eight, 6 respondents representing 1.58%

strongly agreed that Nigeria’s stability is dependent on the impact of power sharing arrangements. It was observed that 122

respondents representing 32.11% agreed, 8 respondents representing 2.20% strongly disagreed, while 254 respondents

representing 66.84% disagreed.

Table 4.1.9: Responses for Research Question III; Federal Constitution tends to Influence National Integration in Nigeria

S/N

Items

Familiarity with the federal constitution contributes to

national integration

[12.36]

[13.94]

127

[33.42]

153

[40.26]

10.

Unresolved constitutional issues deplete the conditions

for national integration in Nigeria

153

[40.26]

127

[33.42]

[12.36]

[13.94]

11.

Federal constitution does not recognize and protect the

cultural and linguistic diversity within Nigeria

[21.57]

157

[41.31]

[18.68]

[18.42]

12.

Rights and identities of all citizens regardless of cultural

or linguistic background are not affirmed by the federal

constitution

167

[43.94]

176

[46.31]

[4.47]

[5.26]

In item nine, 47 respondents representing 12.36% strongly agreed that familiarity with the federal constitution contributes to

national integration. Accordingly, it was observed that 53 respondents representing 13.94% agreed, 127 respondents

representing 33.42% strongly disagreed, while 153 respondent representing 40.26% disagreed. For question ten, 153

respondents representing 40.26% strongly agreed that unresolved constitutional issues deplete the conditions for national

integration in Nigeria. It was also observed that 127 respondents representing 33.42% agreed, 47 respondents representing

12.36% strongly disagreed, while 53 respondents representing 13.94% disagreed. For item eleven, 82 respondents

representing 21.57% strongly agreed that Federal constitution does not recognize and protect the cultural and linguistic

diversity within Nigeria. Accordingly, 157 respondents representing 41.31% agreed, 70 respondents representing 18.68%

strongly disagreed while 70 respondents representing 18.42% disagreed. Lastly, in item twelve, 167 respondents representing

43.94% strongly agreed that the rights and identities of all citizens regardless of cultural or linguistic background are not

affirmed by the federal constitution. It was observed that 176 respondents representing 46.31% agreed, 17 respondents

representing 4.47% strongly disagreed, while 20 respondents representing 5.26% disagreed.

Testing of Hypothesis I

: There is no significant relationship between ethnicity and National Integration in Nigeria.

Ethnicity is Likely to influence National integration in Nigeria

Table 4.2.1: Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) Analysis on how ethnicity is Likely to influence National

integration in Nigeria

S/N

Statement

Total

Ethnicity has negative impact on national integration

215

152

380

Needs and interest of diverse regions, ethnic groups and communities

within Nigeria is not addressed by the Constitution

240

134

380

Ethnicity has in the past threatened the co-operate existence of the

265

102

380

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nation

Expressed desire by regions, ethnic groups and communities within

Nigeria to secede from the federation is a function of ethnicity

254

122

380

Table 4.2.2: Pearson Correlation Computation and Result

Variables

∑X

∑Y

∑ X

∑ Y

∑ X

calculated

table

value

Ethnicity (X

)

1484

17424

0.29

2.10

1.96

380

National Integration in Nigeria

(Y)

5506

583

r = Correlation Coefficient; N= No. of Respondents; Not Significant at 0.05 significant level Source: Statistical Package for

Social Science (SPSS- Ver. 20.0)

Decision Rule: when r = 1, there is a perfect relationship between the two variables x and y. this implies that when x

increases, y increases. Accordingly, when r = -1, there is a perfect negative relationship between the two variables x and y,

hence, when x increases, y decreases and vice versa.

Interpretation: The Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) analysis on ethnicity and national integration has

revealed a positive correlation coefficient of 0.29. The implication of the correlation value based on the decision rule is that

the relationship between the two variables is significant. This further means that ethnicity has had negative impact on

national integration in Nigeria. In addition to the above, the calculated value (2.10) that is greater than table value (1.96) at

0.05 level of significant. This implies that the relationship between ethnicity and national integration is significant. In this

case, it can be affirmed that there is a significant relationship between ethnicity and national integration in Nigeria. Hence,

the null hypothesis that was stated that Ethnicity is not likely to influence National integration in Nigeria is rejected in favour

of the alternative hypothesis that was stated that Ethnicity is likely to influence National integration in Nigeria.

Testing of Research Hypothesis II

: Supremacy of power sharing does not influence National Integration in Nigeria

Supremacy of power sharing is likely to influence National Integration in Nigeria

S/N

Statement

Total

Power sharing arrangements within the governance structure will not

allow national integration in Nigeria

152

215

380

Unity and stability is not promoted by the power sharing mechanisms

in Nigeria

240

134

380

Lack of citizens’ participation in discussion or activities related to

power sharing mechanism is a threat to national integration.

265

102

380

Nigeria’s stability is dependent on the impact of power sharing

arrangements

122

254

380

Table 4.2.3: Pearson Correlation Computation and Result

Variables

∑X

∑Y

∑ X

∑ Y

∑ X

calculated

table

value

Power Sharing (X

)

1484

17424

0.29

2.10

1.96

380

National Integration in Nigeria

(Y)

5506

583

r = Correlation Coefficient; N= No. of Respondents; Not Significant at 0.05 significance level Source: Statistical Package for

Social Science (SPSS- Ver. 20.0)

Decision Rule: when r = 1, there is a perfect relationship between the two variables x and y. this implies that when x

increases, y increases. Accordingly, when r = -1, there is a perfect negative relationship between the two variables x and y,

hence, when x increases, y decreases and vice versa.

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Interpretation: The Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) analysis on Power sharing and national integration has

revealed a positive correlation coefficient of 0.29. The implication of the correlation value based on the decision rule is that

the relationship between the two variables is significant. This further means that Power sharing significantly affects national

integration in Nigeria. In this case, it can be affirmed that there is a significant relationship between Power sharing and

national integration in Nigeria. Hence, the null hypothesis that was stated that Power sharing is not likely to influence

National integration in Nigeria is rejected, while the alternative hypothesis that was stated that Power sharing is likely to

influence National integration in Nigeria is accepted.

Evaluation of Research Hypothesis III:

: Federal Constitution does not influence National Integration in Nigeria

Federal Constitution tends to influence National Integration in Nigeria

Table 4.2.4: Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) Analysis on relationship between Federal Constitution and

National Integration in Nigeria

S/N

Statement

Total

Familiarity with the federal constitution contributes to

national integration

127

153

380

Unresolved constitutional issues deplete the conditions for

national integration in Nigeria

153

127

380

Federal constitution does not recognize and protect the

cultural and linguistic diversity within Nigeria

157

380

Rights and identities of all citizens regardless of cultural or

linguistic background is not affirmed by the federal

constitution

167

176

380

Table 4.2.5: Pearson Correlation Computation and Result

Variables

∑X

∑Y

∑ X

∑ Y

∑ X

calculated

tabulated

Poor supervision and

monitoring (X

)

1471

429

43851

0.99

12.13

3.15

380

the rate of student’s

enrolment in primary schools

(Y)

119169

439811

r = Correlation Coefficient; N= No. of Respondents; Not Significant at 0.05 significance level

Source: Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS- Ver. 20.0)

Decision Rule: when r = 1, there is a perfect relationship between the two variables x and y. this implies that when x

increases, y increases. Accordingly, when r = -1, there is a perfect negative relationship between the two variables x and y,

hence, when x increases, y decreases and vice versa.

Interpretation: The Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) analysis on Federal constitution and national integration

has revealed a negative correlation coefficient of 0.99. The implication of the correlation value based on the decision rule is

that the relationship between the two variables is significant. This further means that Federal Constitution has provisions that

influence national integration in Nigeria. On the test of significance, the calculated value of 12.13 (Zcalculated) was obtained

against the table value of 3.15at 0.05 level of significance giving that federal constitution and national integration is

significantly related. In this case, it can be affirmed that there is a significant relationship between federal constitution and

national integration in Nigeria. Hence, the null hypothesis that was stated that federal constitutionwill not tend to influence

National integration in Nigeria is rejected in favour of the alternative hypothesis that was stated that federal constitution tends

to influence National integration in Nigeria.

VI. Discussion of Findings

The finding of the study in null hypothesis one showed that there is no significant relationship between ethnicity and national

integration in Nigeria. Majority of scholars and respondents in the study are of the opinion that ethnicity has negative

influence on national integration in Nigeria. This is based on the observation that the country continues to be engulfed in

persistent ethical conflicts that do not argue well for the cordial existence of the country. In line with this finding, both

Obliefuno Uzogwe (2012) and OghoghoUgu (2020) contended that ethnicity positively influence national integration in south

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south, Nigeria. That all hands should be desk to forestall possible breaking up of the country by the minority nationalities,

who always feel marginalized and cheated.

The finding of the study in the null hypothesis two showed that there is no significant relationship between supremacy of

power sharing and national integration in Nigeria. This was rejected and the alternative hypothesis that supremacy of power

sharing tends to influence national integration in Nigeria. This is perennial problem in Nigeria which is an age long one,

concerning the haphazardmanner and inequality in power and resources sharing in Nigeria among the diverse nationalities

and groups. Specifically, many scholars and respondents complain about the distribution of appointments and political offices

between the minorities and majorities. In the line with the finding of study, Mustapha and Fatima (2019) argued that the

present system of federalism as practiced in Nigeria is responsible for the problem of majority’s domination over the

minority, as the minority lacks access to equitable resources sharing of governmental opportunities and offices. Also Monday

and Samuel (2016) argued that the central control of oil resources and utilization in Nigeria tend to favour the major ethnic

groups, rather than the minority from which the oil is exploited.

The Null Hypotheses threewhich earlier posited that there is no significant relationship between Federal Constitution and

national integration was rejected, meaning that there is a significant relationship between Federal Constitution and National

Integration in Nigeria.

Generally, the Nigerian citizens and the respondents have disagreed and frowned at the manner political powers and functions

are concentrated at the centre, at the detriment of the States and Local Governments. This is one of the reasons why most

citizens and scholars have agitated for restructuring of Nigeria state, so as to devolve or decentralize powers and function to

states and local governments. In support of this stand, Nasir (2021) argued that the practice of federalism in Nigeria is

dysfunctional, due mainly to the distorted nature of the federal Constitution. In the same vein, Inyang (2014) refers to Nigeria

Constitution has being imperfect andthat, Nigerian federalism is riddled by challenges of over centration of governmental

powers at the centre.

VII. Conclusion

The study has revealed a strong influence and significant relationship among ethnicity, power sharing and federal

constitution and national integration in South-South, Nigeria. It could be concluded on the basis of findings of the study

that,ethnicity, supremacy for power sharing, and Federal Constitution have significant relationship onnational integration in

South-South, Nigeria.

VIII. Recommendations

1. To forestall possible breakup of the ethnic nationalities in Nigeria, following their growing agitations, the

government should use the spirit of accommodation, consultation, negotiation and inclusion to stem the spate of

agitations among the teeming ethnic nationalities, instead of exclusion and denial of their rights. This approach will

certainly assuage their age long claim of deprivation and rejection.

2. Supremacy of power sharing in the country is one of the tortuous issues Nigeria has grabbled with in order to

promote national integration. It is advocated that equitable sharing or distribution of political offices and

appointments on the basis of the spirit of federal character principle and true federalism should be encouraged. This

is capable to allay the fears of the aggrieved minorities in the country who often filled cheated in appointments into

federal, state and local governments. Moreso, this will guarantee democratic stability in a pluralistic country as

Nigeria.

3. Like any other constitutions of other federal polities, the Nigerian constitution is the supreme law of the land, which

provisions are binding on all authorities and groups of persons throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Such

provisions as; division of powers and functions among the levels of government; fundamental objective and

directives principles; citizenship and fundamental human rights etc. are hallmarks in the 1999 Constitution that

provide the teeth and strength to our Constitution. It is therefore, incumbent on the government at the centre to

utilize the constitutional provisions therein to ensure fairness and equity in the treatment and resolution of multiple

problems confronting all tiers of government and citizens.

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